President Donald Trump’s new deadline for Russia to end the conflict with Ukraine is an additional “step towards war,” according to former Russian President Dmitry Medvedev.  

Medvedev, now the deputy chairman of the Security Council of Russia, cautioned that Trump’s announcement Monday that Russia must end the conflict with Ukraine in 10 to 12 days would not end well for the U.S. 

“Trump’s playing the ultimatum game with Russia: 50 days or 10… He should remember 2 things: 1. Russia isn’t Israel or even Iran. 2. Each new ultimatum is a threat and a step towards war. Not between Russia and Ukraine, but with his own country,” Medvedev said in a post on X on Monday. “Don’t go down the Sleepy Joe road!”

TRUMP MEETS WITH UK PRIME MINISTER STARMER ON HEELS OF EU TRADE DEAL

While Trump announced on July 14 that he would sign off on “severe tariffs” against Russia if Moscow failed to agree to a peace deal within 50 days, Trump said Monday that waiting that period of time was futile amid stalled negotiations. 

“I’m going to make a new deadline, of about 10 — 10 or 12 days from today,” Trump told reporters from Scotland. “There’s no reason for waiting. It was 50 days. I wanted to be generous, but we just don’t see any progress being made.”

Trump’s remarks come as his frustration with Putin has grown in recent weeks amid no progress toward peace between Russia and Ukraine, and just a day after Russia launched more than 300 drones, four cruise missiles and three ballistic missiles into Ukraine, according to the Ukrainian air force.

TRUMP ‘DISAPPOINTED’ IN PUTIN, SAYS HE’LL REDUCE 50-DAY DEADLINE 

Trump called out Putin for providing lip service during their discussions while not taking proactive steps to end the war. As a result, Trump said he’s grown “disappointed” in the Russian leader and that he’s “not so interested in talking anymore” with Putin. 

“He talks — we have such nice conversations, such respectful and nice conversation. And then, people die the following night,” Trump said Monday. 

Following Trump’s announcement about whittling down the deadline for a peace deal, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy thanked Trump for his “clear stance and expressed determination” to resolve the conflict.

“I thank President Trump for his focus on saving lives and stopping this horrible war,” Zelenskyy said in a post on X on Monday. “Ukraine remains committed to peace and will work tirelessly with the U.S. to make both our countries safer, stronger, and more prosperous.”

ZELENSKYY POINTEDLY THANKS TRUMP, AMERICA FOR UKRAINE SUPPORT MONTHS AFTER VANCE’S JAB ABOUT LACK OF GRATITUDE 

Zelenskyy previously came under scrutiny from Vice President JD Vance in February during an Oval Office meeting for not voicing more gratitude for U.S. support for Kyiv as it battles Moscow.

Although Trump has historically boasted about having a solid relationship with Putin, he has publicly voiced increased frustration with Putin in recent weeks as the war rages on between Russia and Ukraine. 

“We get a lot of bulls— thrown at us by Putin, if you want to know the truth,” Trump said during a Cabinet meeting on July 8. “He’s very nice to us all the time, but it turns out to be meaningless.”

Fox News Digital’s Caitlin McFall contributed to this report.

A Michigan councilman whose criminal record as a drug dealer was wiped clean following a Democrat-backed law has been arrested for allegedly beating a woman. 

Leon El-Alamin, 44, a Democratic First Ward city councilman in Flint, was arrested on July 10 and is charged with alleged domestic violence and assault, according to court documents filed by the Mount Morris Township police. 

Genesee County Prosecutor David Leyton said the lawmaker allegedly became angry with the woman because she was looking at her emails, WNEM-TV reported. 

KNIFE-WIELDING ILLEGAL MIGRANT ACCUSED OF THREATENING US ATTORNEY ON ALBANY, NY STREETS

“She had bruising on her face, which is consistent with being struck in the face,” Leyton said. “She had a mark on her neck, which is consistent with the allegation of being choked, and she claims she had been dragged out by her hair. And I do believe they found some strands of hair on the floor on the ground, so that corroborated what she said.”

A gun was also found inside the home, he said.

In a statement on the Facebook page for the M.A.D.E. Institute, El-Alamin denied the accusations against him. 

“These recent allegations are both false and deeply disheartening, but I remain confident in the truth and in the legal process,” he wrote. “My legal team is actively handling the matter, and I fully intend to clear my name and win this case.”

El- Alamin is the founder and executive director of the M.A.D.E. Institute, a nonprofit organization that stands for Money, Attitude, Direction and Education.

NEWARK MAYOR SUES INTERIM US ATTORNEY FOR FALSE ARREST, MALICIOUS PROSECUTION

El-Alamin was elected to the city council in November, and has been pictured with prominent Democratic leaders like U.S. Sen. Cory Booker, D-N.J., and Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer. 

After graduating from high school, he began dealing drugs and spent a month in a coma following a shootout, his bio on his website states. He was subsequently arrested on drug and weapons charges.

He was released from prison after serving part of a 12-to-20-year sentence. 

In 2021, he had his criminal record wiped under the Clean Slate Act, which expunged the records of many ex-convicts who were eligible. 

“I’m excited, I can’t really explain it. I’m overwhelmed with joy,” El-Alamin told Mid Michigan Now at the time.

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El-Alamin’s bond was set at $7,500. He appeared in court for a hearing last week. 

Fox News Digital has reached out to Whitmer’s office, El-Alamin and Leyton. 

Deion Sanders, the head coach of the Colorado Buffaloes, revealed that he needed his bladder removed following a cancer diagnosis this offseason, yet he has no plans to step away from his job.

Pro Football Hall of Famer Devin Hester, a good friend of Sanders, wasn’t surprised at all to hear he’s still committed to the Buffaloes’ program.

“I don’t think it’s surprising,” he told Fox News Digital on Monday following his time with service members at USAA’s “Salute to Service Boot Camp” at the Chicago Bears’ facility. “When you know Deion Sanders and know what type of person he is, this is what he loves. He loves football. He loves grooming young boys into men. That’s what he feeds off. That’s his passion. That’s his heart.

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“I knew he wasn’t going to walk away from the game because he’s still young and he’s still enjoying it.”

Hester and Sanders have had a strong relationship for years, and when the former joined the latter in the Pro Football Hall of Fame last year, the Bears legend’s emotions couldn’t be contained as he hugged Sanders after receiving his gold jacket from him. 

So, knowing the person that Sanders is on and off the field, Hester understands why “Coach Prime” wants to still be on the sidelines despite his medical situation.

DEION SANDERS REVEALS HE FOUGHT BLADDER CANCER

“He’s given opportunities for a lot of men that have dreams of coaching and dreams to be a part of something special,” Hester added. “He’s opening up doors, and that’s the way he looks at things in life. He’s opened up doors not only for himself, but for his peers and the great men around him. He’s used that to his advantage, and it’s something he’s been blessed with from God, to be in that situation where he can bless other young men. 

“He takes advantage of it, and he makes sure he does the right thing.”

Sanders and medical officials held a news conference on Monday to address the coach’s health, during which Colorado assistant athletic trainer Lauren Askevold and Dr. Janet Kukreja at UC Health broke down the timeline of his cancer diagnosis and surgery. 

Askevold noted Sanders had an ACT scan of his vascular pattern to check up on whether his blood clots were away. While everything checked out in that regard, Sanders’ primary care doctor wanted to refer him to a urologist, which ultimately led Kukreja, the director of urological oncology at UC Health, to give Sanders a look. 

According to Askevold, Sanders’ primary care doctor told him he had a bladder tumor.

“We proceeded with the removal of the bladder tumor. We removed the tumor. It was very high grade, invading through the bladder wall, not into the muscle layer, something we call high-risk non-invasive bladder cancer,” Kukreja explained. 

Sanders, then, elected for bladder removal and the creation of a new bladder after Kukreja broke down his options.

“I am pleased to report that the results of the surgery are that he is cured from the cancer,” she said.

Sanders’ health was a concern for months now, as it was previously a mystery what he was dealing with. He also revealed in a video posted by his son, Deion Sanders Jr., on Sunday that he made a will amid his health battles. The video was shot on May 9. 

“Mentally, emotionally, last night was tough, yesterday was tough, because I had to make a will. That’s not easy at all, to think that you may not be here,” he said in the video.

Sanders said at Big 12 Media Days that he is now ready to embark on yet another Buffaloes season, where it’s a new-look group with his son, Shedeur Sanders, and Heisman-winner Travis Hunter both ready to take on their rookie seasons in the NFL.  

IMPACTING THOSE WHO SERVE US

Meanwhile, in Chicago, Hester took the field after the Bears had their latest training camp practice to put service members through a real-life combine thanks to USAA, the official “Salute to Service” partner of the NFL. 

These boot camps feature drills similar to those used by NFL coaches to evaluate talent at the NFL Scouting Combine, including the 40-yard dash, broad jump, three-cone shuttle and more. 

These boot camps have been in place for years, but they now feature a live leaderboard to capture and monitor participants’ scores in real time, which Hester said added tons of competitiveness among those on the field. 

“It was very exciting, and it was a unique situation being among these guys and seeing them have fun. At the end of the day, they all had fun and competed, so it was a great cause for today,” Hester said of the experience. 

“I can relate to them because I have a couple cousins that are my age that were in these types of services. Just to pick those guys’ brains, their daily routine, and it’s similar to the stories my family members told me. Of course, my family members were true football fans, too, so they had the opportunity to pick my brain as well when it comes to football. We were just back and forth giving conversation, giving tips on daily routines, and having a great time out there.”

Fox News’ Ryan Gaydos contributed to this report.

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Move over, Air Force One — a new armored vehicle outfitted for presidential protection is in town, this one specifically for golf outings. 

The vehicle specifically designed for ballistic protection, dubbed “Golf Force One,” seemingly made its public debut during a round of golf between President Donald Trump and his son, Eric, at the Trump golf course in Turnberry, Scotland, over the weekend. 

The White House confirmed “Golf Force One” is “part of the presidential fleet of specialty vehicles,” but did not share any further details. 

It comes 10 months after an assassination attempt on Trump while he was playing golf at his Florida course. 

According to the General Services Administration, a Polaris UTV can be outfitted by Chicago company Scaletta Armor with an “add-on armor kit to Polaris XP 1000 Ranger UTV with protection scalable to mission.” The kit costs around $190,000.

EVERYTHING TO KNOW ABOUT TURNBERRY, SCOTLAND, HOME OF TRUMP GOLF COURSE

Trump was in Scotland for a meeting with United Kingdom Prime Minister Keir Starmer. 

During the golf outing, Trump was seen cruising around in a regular golf cart, with the armored vehicle following a fleet of carts carrying Secret Service agents.

The president is known to enjoy driving his own cart, but the UTV was likely on hand in case of an emergency requiring additional protection in such a wide-open space. 

During the last Trump assassination attempt — on Sept. 15, 2024 at the Trump International Golf Club in West Palm Beach, Florida — a Secret Service agent conducting a sweep saw a man hiding in the brush along the fence line of the sixth hole.

TRUMP SHOWS OFF GOLF SKILLS AT TURNBERRY RESORT DURING SCOTLAND VISIT, CITES GARY PLAYER’S PRIOR PRAISE

“The agent observed the barrel of a rifle aimed directly at him,” a Justice Department press release suggested. “As the agent began backing away, he saw the rifle barrel move, and the agent fired at [Ryan Wesley] Routh.”

That came after last July when shooter Thomas Matthew Crooks opened fire at the president during a Butler, Pennsylvania, rally, killing an attendee behind Trump.

In 2020, Iran posted a digitized video of a drone targeting Trump on a golf course in a “vengeance” strike over the killing of Iranian General Qassem Soleimani.

“Golf Force One” joins a fleet of armored vehicles that includes the Beast, the 10-ton mobile fortress equipped with walls eight inches thick and layered, five-inch windows of reinforced glass that can stop high-caliber rounds. It’s capable of distributing tear gas, grenades, and pump-action shotguns.

Heidi Klum is shrugging off the criticism she’s received for posing in lingerie with her daughter Leni.

“A lot of people are like, ‘Oh, I don’t know about mom and daughter doing this together,’” Klum told People magazine. “But for us? I’m proud of my daughter. She’s fine with me like that.”

Klum, 52, and her daughter Leni, 21, have posed together in multiple ads for the Italian brand, Intimissimi.

“I’ve always been very open with my body,” she continued. “When I’m suntanning in the backyard, I might not have a top on. I’m European … My kids don’t know me any other way and are probably more easygoing with their bodies because of it.”

HEIDI KLUM’S LINGERIE SHOOT WITH 20-YEAR-OLD DAUGHTER SPARKS ONLINE DEBATE: ‘GIVES ME A YUCKY FEELING’

Leni launched her modeling career at the age of 16. Klum and her daughter appeared together on the cover of Vogue Germany for the January/February issue in 2021.

“So excited for my first cover!! I had so much fun on set with @voguegermany couldn’t dream of a better start!! Thank you for being by my side @heidiklum,” Leni wrote on Instagram at the time.

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The young model previously hit back at criticism over her choice to pose for lingerie ads with Klum.

“I always try to remember that no matter what you do, there will always be someone who doesn’t like it,” Leni told Glamour Germany. “You simply have no influence on it and shouldn’t concentrate too much on the negative.”

She added: “But there are so many more positive reactions. Oh, and: Most of the comments are in German, and I don’t really understand many of them. Of course that helps too.”

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Leni and Klum have faced criticism every time they’ve posed for Intimissimi. After sharing a new ad in October 2024, the mother-daughter duo received mixed comments.

“This makes me feel uncomfortable,” one user wrote.

“Heidi looks amazing. But why would you pose in lace revealing lingerie with your mother?” another added. “Gives me a yucky feeling. And before someone tells me to unfollow Don’t! I didn’t follow it in the first place. It showed up on my feed. There is no place on this ad where I can block it anyway so I am commenting.”

However, not everyone had a problem with the photos.

“Two beautiful ladies! I can’t imagine why anyone would be critical of this. People have been modeling underwear forever,” a user wrote.

Nature conservation is about conserving not only the huge number of species but also the myriad interactions between all the players on the same ecological stage. Moreover, all these species need a complex assortment of microhabitats to find food, disperse, mate, reproduce and develop into adults. 

But, with so many species and even more interactions, we must find ways to conserve the overall fabric of life. This is something that we should also reflect on as we celebrate World Nature Conservation Day on 28 July.

Finding the solutions is vital for South Africa because it has a rich diversity of plants, fungi and animals — and an untold number of micro-organisms. Across landscapes, groups of species and their interactions change from place to place. Furthermore, the organisms in this mosaic must ebb and flow across the landscape in search of optimal conditions for feeding, growing, reproducing and surviving. This flux of organisms also helps maintain healthy levels of genetic diversity in their population over time. 

Another challenge is that many of the species live in specific habitats. Damage to the habitat can lead to loss of a species — possibly even causing local extinction — and begin to unravel the thread of life. 

A starting point is to conserve nature and embrace the “Nature knows best” principle. While nature reserves play a crucially important role in conserving biodiversity, the greatest challenge lies at the interface of human activity and the conservation of nature. This means we must find workable solutions that benefit both people and nature where they live side by side. 

A way is to embrace the “precautionary principle”, which involves conserving as much land and water as possible to avoid imperiling all species and their interactions.  

Timber production is important for South Africa because it has few natural wood resources, with plantations covering huge swaths of land. But how do we integrate nature conservation with timber production? After extensive discussions with timber company Mondi, we at Stellenbosch University developed a workable solution — acceptable to both timber producers and conservationists — by working with nature and not against it. 

The solution involves setting aside land between plantation compartments — land amounting to about half a million hectares nationally. These land areas take the form of networks of large conservation corridors of natural habitat, composed of mostly natural grassland, but also forests, wetlands and small rivers. These networks make up about one-third of the plantations, on average, and are well established in KwaZulu-Natal. 

It has been essential to demonstrate that the corridors are indeed functioning naturally. We have done this by comparing biodiversity levels in the conservation corridors with those in nature reserves nearby. 

As not all biodiversity can be sampled, we use mostly plants and insects as sentinels. The reason for this is that they are numerous, rich in species, show a wide range of lifestyles and are sensitive to habitat change. 

A bonus is that they also live in and on the soil, as well as being associated with plant communities. Many are also associated with freshwater — whether streams, rivers or wetlands. As they interact widely with many other species, they provide a comprehensive ecological picture. 

Importantly, the corridors must be as wide as possible to avoid any adverse effects from the adjacent plantation trees, mostly alien pines and eucalypts. This great width, which ideally should be more than 120m, means that all the natural interactions and processes can take place as they would naturally. But this does not mean that narrow corridors are without value, as many natural interactions can still take place in them and they promote the movement of insects and other organisms across the landscape.

It is essential that the corridors are well connected to each other in a network, including from one plantation to the next. Doing this leads to congruence among natural habitats over hundreds of kilometers, crisscrossing all types of terrain, elevations and ecosystem types. Crucially, it is the enormous amount of conserved landscape variation that enables organisms to find their most suitable habitat. This connectivity also gives the landscapes ecological resilience to withstand a changing climate and extreme weather events such as heavy rainfall or drought. 

All the while the natural water systems and soils in the corridors are maintained as intact as possible. This is done by not planting timber trees close to streams, rivers and wetlands. In turn, moist soil acts as a sponge for water and supports lush vegetation, which is kept free of plantation trees to help maintain the movement of natural ground water. 

Fire must also be considered, as it is a natural phenomenon in the area— preventing the grassland from developing into a bushy landscape and playing a vital role in the health of many plants. 

The edges between natural forest and grassland are also protected in the corridors, because these transition areas support many rare and important species. Game animals are also left to roam in this mosaic of vegetation as they help maintain grassland health. 

Some difficulties have arisen in these networks of conservation corridors. Invasive alien plants are an ongoing problem. While the woody aliens are controlled relatively easily, it is the American bramble that has been most troublesome. But recent research, using satellite technology and machine learning, has identified the weed’s invasion pathways, enabling swift and effective bramble removal. 

Local people are involved in the establishment of corridors, and they use the land as pastures for moderate levels of cattle and goat grazing. Poaching of large mammals is strictly controlled, resulting in healthy populations of elephants, rhinos, giraffes, zebras, wildebeest and many other large animals. This is important for insects as these large animals support a rich variety of dung beetles. 

In turn, firebreaks help stop wildfires from entering the plantation compartments. Also, timber tree harvesting is carried out sensitively to reduce disturbance to the soil. 

Plantations benefit from implementation of the corridors in that the soil and water systems, along with their biodiversity, are maintained in an ongoing healthy state. Mondi has embraced sustainable forestry. In doing so, the company attains Forest Stewardship Certification and exports products to Europe and elsewhere.

Michael J Samways is Emeritus Distinguished Professor in the Department of Conservation Ecology & Entomology at Stellenbosch University.

When a government spokesperson devotes an open letter to attacking a journalist by name, it often says more about the state’s discomfort with being questioned than it does about the journalist.

On 21 July 2025, department of international relations and cooperation spokesperson Chrispin Phiri published an open letter accusing me of promoting “clickbait”, “unsubstantiated hogwash” and undermining the integrity of South African media. His response was directed at a blog published in the Times of Israel on 11 July.

In that blog, I raised a set of concerns based on documents shared with me by a source, Justin Lewis. These included allegations that certain South African officials may have had foreknowledge of the 7 October Hamas attacks and played a role in enabling legal access to international courts on Hamas’s behalf. 

I never claimed that the allegations were confirmed, only that they deserve to be taken seriously and properly looked into. As a journalist, it is not my role to suppress serious allegations simply because they are unproven — it is my responsibility to bring them to light when they raise legitimate public interest concerns. In doing so, I make clear what is allegation and what is fact, and I seek responses from all relevant parties. That is how scrutiny, accountability, and responsible journalism work. Which is why two days later I published a follow-up explicitly stating that the material formed part of a lobbying and advocacy initiative — not a legal case — and that the source’s credibility had come under scrutiny.

Phiri’s letter acknowledged that clarification — only to dismiss it as “damage control”. Instead of presenting factual rebuttals, he delivered a lecture peppered with sarcasm and insults, calling my work reckless and unethical, and accusing me of misleading the public.

This exchange, at its core, comes down to a clear line of argument on both sides. My position is that journalists have a duty to raise serious allegations — especially when they involve governments, foreign policy or international law. Not because all allegations are true, but because the public deserves to know what questions are being asked, and what answers are being avoided.

Phiri’s position, on the other hand, is that because Justin Lewis has made exaggerated and questionable claims elsewhere, the allegations I raised should never have been aired. But journalism doesn’t work that way. Bad people can stumble onto important truths. Flawed sources can raise valid concerns. A journalist’s job is not to vouch for a source’s biography — it’s to follow a story where it leads, verify what can be verified, and disclose what can’t.

That’s what I did. Within 48 hours, I published a follow-up. I clarified the context not because the allegations were proven or disproven, but because responsible journalism requires transparency when new information comes to light. What Phiri offered in response was not a factual correction, but a character attack against both the source and me.

After two decades reporting from front lines in Gaza, Syria, Ukraine, Russia, Israel and beyond I’ve learned that truth in conflict is rarely clean. Sources sometimes collapse under scrutiny. When that happens, you take responsibility, correct, and move forward. That is exactly what I did.

What I did not do was present fiction as fact. I reported on allegations. I clarified their status. I acknowledged the problems. And I continued asking questions.

If the government believes those questions are baseless, it should present evidence to the contrary. It should clarify timelines, communications and diplomatic steps taken before and after 7 October. Instead, it has chosen to mock the person raising them.

The department’s refusal to engage with the core concern, South Africa’s foreign policy conduct and the credibility of its international alliances, is telling. Their silence on substance, and volume on character, only fuels public doubt.

And for the record: I do not claim South Africa collaborated with Hamas. I do not claim the allegations are proven. I do claim they are serious enough to merit scrutiny. That scrutiny should not be met with institutional outrage.

Phiri’s letter suggests that by platforming concerns, I violated the principles of journalism. But journalism is not built on silence. It’s built on inquiry. You follow leads. You evaluate sources. You clarify what cannot be confirmed. That’s what I did. That’s what I will continue to do.

South Africa’s case at the International Court of Justice is not what I was writing about. My focus was narrower: what was said, shared or supported before the events of 7 October? Were there missteps or blind spots in our diplomatic positioning? And if so, shouldn’t we want to know?

In his closing, Phiri quotes Nelson Mandela: “Our freedom is incomplete without the freedom of the Palestinians.” I would add this: our democracy is incomplete without the freedom to question our own government especially when the stakes involve war, ideology and lives.

I’ll continue to ask hard questions, report without fear, and correct when needed — not because it’s popular, but because journalism demands it. A free press doesn’t need permission to investigate —  and it certainly doesn’t answer to the government it is questioning.

Paula Slier is a South African-born war correspondent and journalist.

Lesotho is facing economic and public health crises triggered by cuts in foreign aid and harsh US trade tariffs. The small, landlocked kingdom is struggling with high unemployment and fresh job losses.

According to an African Development Bank (AfDB) Country Focus Report on Lesotho released last week, the country’s economic growth of 2.4% in 2024 is expected to fall to just 1.1% this year and 0.5% in 2026.

The report says the slowdown is driven by declining Southern African Customs Union revenues, a decrease in foreign aid, and rising trade-related risks (notably the new, prohibitively high US trade tariffs), and the cancellation of the $300-million Millennium Challenge Corporation second five-year compact.

Aid cuts have hit Lesotho’s health sector hard. The sudden termination of US aid programs has resulted in the loss of about 1,500 healthcare jobs, according to the report, and has severely undermined efforts in prevention, treatment, and outreach for HIV. Lesotho has one of the highest HIV prevalence rates globally, with over 20% of the adult population living with the virus.

What makes these cuts even more damaging is Lesotho’s already underfunded health system. The report says Lesotho now has only 21 health workers per 10,000 people, far below the World Health Organisation’s recommended minimum of 44.

At the same time, Lesotho’s key export sector — textiles and apparel — is under threat. The US has imposed a 50% tariff on Lesotho, temporarily reduced to 10% until 1 August. While this reduction offers some relief, AfDB warns that the long-term consequences could be severe.

Lesotho’s textile industry has long depended on duty-free access to US markets, which make up 47% of its shipments, valued at over $200-million annually, and account for nearly 13% of GDP. The AfDB warns that the tariffs could lead to a 20 to 30% decline in orders, a loss of over R1-billion in exports.

“This could push GDP growth below 1%, especially if factory closures or layoffs increase,” the report says. “Lesotho may face further declines in investment, factory relocations, and job losses in its already fragile manufacturing sector, which could reduce tax revenue.”

The AfDB warns of increased rates of poverty, which, together with inequality, are major issues in Lesotho.

Action needed

The report warns that without quick and coordinated policy actions, Lesotho could face a surge in social unrest and poverty.

The AfDB urges Lesotho to act swiftly. Economic diversification, investing in skills and infrastructure, and expanding regional trade, especially through the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), are essential.

Tax reform and debt management programmes, supported by AfDB, are already underway. But more action is urgently needed.

To keep the textile sector viable, the report recommends improving quality standards, logistics, and worker skills to meet changing global market demands. It also calls for accelerating regional trade efforts under AfCFTA and encouraging entrepreneurship in non-textile industries.

“Lesotho could reorient its production towards regional markets and gradually reduce its exposure to US policy shocks,” the report suggests.

This article was first published on GroundUp

Amid mounting criticism of United Nations peacekeeping missions and Western military involvement, many African governments have sought alternative security partners — private military companies, local militias and several regional partnerships such as the Alliance of Sahel States and Multinational Joint Task Force around the Lake Chad Basin. 

In the eyes of many scholars and practitioners, these partnerships challenge long-standing normative preferences for multilateral and regional institutions, namely the African Union and its regional economic communities. 

These institutions have long been lauded for their mandates to preserve the sovereignty of cooperating states and develop collective legitimacy in African governance. In practice, however, consensus-building has frequently led to slow deployment timelines and gross operational inefficiencies on the ground. 

While operational successes under multilateral institutions do exist, they are more often exceptions and are vastly outpaced by the decisive responses demanded by Africa’s security crises.

Against this backdrop, Rwanda’s recent forays into bilateral security agreements mark a significant departure from Africa’s status quo. 

Kigali’s deployments to the Central African Republic (CAR) in 2020 and Mozambique in 2021 challenge both conventional norms and institutional habits. The relative success of these deployments, especially in contrast with their multilateral equivalents, raises a fundamental question of African security cooperation. 

As more states pivot toward bilateral partnerships, is it time to recalibrate Africa’s security architecture? If so, what normative and legal frameworks must accompany this shift to prevent entrenching patterns of dependency and personalised security politics?

Once a recipient of international peacekeeping itself, Rwanda has since become a frequent contributor to peace and security operations in Africa. As a post-genocide state, it carries a unique moral authority on matters of civilian protection. Kigali has sought to amplify this influence through its vocal advocacy for the robust defence of endangered civilians, being one of three countries to co-sponsor a United Nations appeal, known as the Kigali Principles, in 2015. 

The country’s foreign policy took a more assertive turn in late 2020, when Kigali dispatched troops to the CAR to counter an insurgent offensive against the capital. 

Only a few months later, in mid-2021, Rwandan troops deployed to Mozambique’s Cabo Delgado province. Rwanda was engaged through a bilateral agreement and therefore free to operate outside any pre-existing multilateral mandates or rules of engagement.

From the onset, Rwandan troops were engaged in offensive operations to reclaim insurgent-held territory, including the port town of Mocímboa da Praia. Subsequent campaigns saw Rwandan forces push deeper into Ahlu Sunna Wa Jama (ASWJ) strongholds, including in an eight-day campaign along the Messalo River to capture a key base in Mbau and later joining the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Mission in Mozambique (SAMIM) for a coordinated assault in Macomia. 

Despite its emphasis on kinetic, offensive engagements, Rwanda also placed importance on developing a rapport with the local population. This involved taking on various community activities, including static engineering projects and the delivery of healthcare services in remote villages, as well as more dynamic security measures such as accompanying at-risk smallholders to provide protective overwatch while crops were being tilled. 

These efforts brought troops into close proximity with local populations, who became vital sources of real-time intelligence on insurgent movements. 

Very few, if any, African interventions have simultaneously managed to secure territorial gains, minimise civilian casualties and sustain their engagement with local populations.

In contrast to the operational successes attributed to Rwandan forces, the SAMIM struggled with fragmented command structures, logistical inertia and restrictive rules of engagement. In some instances, troops were confined to their forward operating bases, which severely undermined their effectiveness and all but ruled out any possibility of battlefield gains. 

In a move that clearly favoured its bilateral partnership with Rwanda, Mozambique did not establish a joint command structure to enable coordination or intelligence sharing among the various security partners.

Although the agreements themselves are known only to the countries’ top leadership, Rwanda’s commercial interests in the CAR and Mozambique hint at potential motives for its involvement. 

Crystal Ventures, the commercial wing of Rwanda’s ruling party, has rapidly expanded its operations in the CAR and Mozambique through its subsidiary companies in recent years. Vogueroc Mining, a firm reportedly backed by Crystal Ventures, received government approval in 2022 to explore mineral licences at five sites in the CAR. 

In Mozambique, a joint venture between Rwanda’s Isco Segurança and a local firm won a contract from TotalEnergies to secure $20  billion in LNG infrastructure. Another Crystal Ventures-linked company, Strofinare Mozambique, began exploring graphite deposits near Ancuabe in 2021, a region strategically close to Rwandan operational bases. 

This suggests a dual-track strategy that blends security assistance with economic diplomacy, both of which increase Rwanda’s leverage with the external financiers of its deployments. While the European Union and France foot most of the bill, Mozambique pays only a small amount directly to Kigali in exchange for its security services. 

The deficit, it seems, is made up with commercial concessions. Rwanda is not the only African state engaging in such dual-track diplomacy, but it is quickly becoming one of the most effective. 

While various explanations have been offered for Rwanda’s successes in the CAR and Mozambique, its interventions signify more than just operational efficiency. They coincide with a growing trend among African states to act through bilateral agreements, bypassing the AU and its regional blocs. 

This reflects a global shift from multilateralism to ad hoc, interest-driven solutions. 

These agreements have advantages but often lack the clear mandates or oversight mechanisms expected of multilateral agreements. Human rights abuses can go unchecked without such rules of engagement and legal accountability, perhaps even more than has happened under multilateral missions.

In Mozambique, the SAMIM forces were credibly accused of burning insurgent remains, although the subsequent investigation is still said to be ongoing. 

While multilateral oversight does not guarantee accountability, by sidelining regional frameworks altogether, it is unclear where the burden of oversight resides. This greatly weakens external scrutiny, particularly as missions overrun their original timelines or mandates. 

Missions exceeding initial timelines also risk dependency. Mozambique’s reliance on Rwandan troops has grown significantly since 2021, with little sign of a coherent exit strategy or meaningful local security capacity being developed in parallel. When foreign forces play such a central role in stabilisation missions, the host state may come to defer their governance responsibilities rather than develop them. 

Rwanda’s role of peacekeeper, counterinsurgent and stabiliser has blurred traditional categories of external intervention in an already neglected province of Mozambique. 

At the risk of entrenching a model prioritising stability over sustainability, it needs to be asked whether bilateral agreements are enough to deliver security gains or if local capacity building and governance reform should also be on the agenda. 

A reconfiguration of Africa’s security governance, where bilateral deployments and coalitions of the willing are increasingly being perceived as more capable and credible than multilateral interventions, suggests that other capable states may seek to emulate these results, especially when lucrative commercial opportunities form part of the agreement. 

Although Rwanda’s successes in Cabo Delgado have garnered a fair amount of attention, its model may not be easily replicable. Few African militaries possess the combination of professionalism, logistical capability and reputational capital that Kigali has cultivated to market itself as a security partner. 

Rwanda’s playbook may very well be an outlier and not a trendsetter, although the possibility of other states seeking out similar strategies cannot be ruled out. 

As more states consider bilateral partners, Africa could enter an era of hybrid security governance, where formal regional mechanisms coexist with bilateral agreements. These agreements will probably exist between states with capable militaries and receptive host states and carry not only the risk of fragmentation but also of entrenching personalised security politics and dependency. 

If hybrid security agreements are to become the new normal, Africa must urgently debate the norms, rules and red lines that will govern their use.

Erika van der Merwe is a research intern with the peace and security programme at Good Governance Africa. She is pursuing a master’s in international relations at the University of Cape Town, specialising in security studies.

Suspended Patriotic Alliance (PA) deputy president Kenny Kunene has resigned from his roles in the City of Johannesburg. His resignation follows his official suspension from the PA pending an investigation into his relationship with murder-accused Katiso “TK” Molefe, who was this week arrested for allegedly orchestrating Oupa Sefoka (DJ Sumbody’s) murder in 2022.

Kunene has agreed to “cooperate with an investigation” and will step aside from his political role in the Patriotic Alliance until he is cleared of the allegations. He will also not act and work in any official capacity in the party while on suspension, its leader Gayton McKenzie said in a statement.

Kunene tendered his resignation as Proportional Representation Councillor and transport MMC in the city of Johannesburg with immediate effect.

“I am stepping aside from public life, for a period, while my party satisfies itself to certain allegations that have been raised against me, which are unfounded, but I have nevertheless agreed it would be in the public interest for me to await the clearing of my name before considering a return to public service and duty,” Kunene said in a statement.

This week, Kunene told the Mail & Guardian that he had done nothing wrong when he was found at Molefe’s premises during his arrest on Monday. He also denied ever meeting Molefe or having any contact with him prior to his arrest.

Kunene, who also owns the online publication African News Global, said the purpose of his visit to Molefe’s property was to facilitate an exclusive interview on various topics for one of his journalists. He added that he only knew Molefe from a distance.

Molefe was arrested for allegedly orchestrating DJ Sumbody’s murder in 2022, and he was also on R100 000 bail for another murder case at the time of his arrest.

The Democratic Alliance, which has been critical of the Patriotic Alliance following these recent revelations, said it notes Kunene’s resignation, but demands investigations into the projects that Kunene was overseeing.

These include a full investigation into all contracts and procurement processes at the Johannesburg Roads Agency (JRA), a full investigation into the contractors and procurement of the Lilian Ngoyi street repairs and a full investigation into contracts, appointments and procurement processes at the Metropolitan Trading Company (MTC).

“Should the executive mayor fail to respond to the DA within seven days, the DA will use all avenues at our disposal, including approaching law enforcement with the information available to us, to hold the executive mayor as shareholder representative himself responsible for the alleged irregularities at JRA and MTC,” the party’s Johannesburg caucus leader Belinda Kayser-Echeozonjoku said in a statement.