Heidi Klum is shrugging off the criticism she’s received for posing in lingerie with her daughter Leni.

“A lot of people are like, ‘Oh, I don’t know about mom and daughter doing this together,’” Klum told People magazine. “But for us? I’m proud of my daughter. She’s fine with me like that.”

Klum, 52, and her daughter Leni, 21, have posed together in multiple ads for the Italian brand, Intimissimi.

“I’ve always been very open with my body,” she continued. “When I’m suntanning in the backyard, I might not have a top on. I’m European … My kids don’t know me any other way and are probably more easygoing with their bodies because of it.”

HEIDI KLUM’S LINGERIE SHOOT WITH 20-YEAR-OLD DAUGHTER SPARKS ONLINE DEBATE: ‘GIVES ME A YUCKY FEELING’

Leni launched her modeling career at the age of 16. Klum and her daughter appeared together on the cover of Vogue Germany for the January/February issue in 2021.

“So excited for my first cover!! I had so much fun on set with @voguegermany couldn’t dream of a better start!! Thank you for being by my side @heidiklum,” Leni wrote on Instagram at the time.

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The young model previously hit back at criticism over her choice to pose for lingerie ads with Klum.

“I always try to remember that no matter what you do, there will always be someone who doesn’t like it,” Leni told Glamour Germany. “You simply have no influence on it and shouldn’t concentrate too much on the negative.”

She added: “But there are so many more positive reactions. Oh, and: Most of the comments are in German, and I don’t really understand many of them. Of course that helps too.”

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Leni and Klum have faced criticism every time they’ve posed for Intimissimi. After sharing a new ad in October 2024, the mother-daughter duo received mixed comments.

“This makes me feel uncomfortable,” one user wrote.

“Heidi looks amazing. But why would you pose in lace revealing lingerie with your mother?” another added. “Gives me a yucky feeling. And before someone tells me to unfollow Don’t! I didn’t follow it in the first place. It showed up on my feed. There is no place on this ad where I can block it anyway so I am commenting.”

However, not everyone had a problem with the photos.

“Two beautiful ladies! I can’t imagine why anyone would be critical of this. People have been modeling underwear forever,” a user wrote.

Nature conservation is about conserving not only the huge number of species but also the myriad interactions between all the players on the same ecological stage. Moreover, all these species need a complex assortment of microhabitats to find food, disperse, mate, reproduce and develop into adults. 

But, with so many species and even more interactions, we must find ways to conserve the overall fabric of life. This is something that we should also reflect on as we celebrate World Nature Conservation Day on 28 July.

Finding the solutions is vital for South Africa because it has a rich diversity of plants, fungi and animals — and an untold number of micro-organisms. Across landscapes, groups of species and their interactions change from place to place. Furthermore, the organisms in this mosaic must ebb and flow across the landscape in search of optimal conditions for feeding, growing, reproducing and surviving. This flux of organisms also helps maintain healthy levels of genetic diversity in their population over time. 

Another challenge is that many of the species live in specific habitats. Damage to the habitat can lead to loss of a species — possibly even causing local extinction — and begin to unravel the thread of life. 

A starting point is to conserve nature and embrace the “Nature knows best” principle. While nature reserves play a crucially important role in conserving biodiversity, the greatest challenge lies at the interface of human activity and the conservation of nature. This means we must find workable solutions that benefit both people and nature where they live side by side. 

A way is to embrace the “precautionary principle”, which involves conserving as much land and water as possible to avoid imperiling all species and their interactions.  

Timber production is important for South Africa because it has few natural wood resources, with plantations covering huge swaths of land. But how do we integrate nature conservation with timber production? After extensive discussions with timber company Mondi, we at Stellenbosch University developed a workable solution — acceptable to both timber producers and conservationists — by working with nature and not against it. 

The solution involves setting aside land between plantation compartments — land amounting to about half a million hectares nationally. These land areas take the form of networks of large conservation corridors of natural habitat, composed of mostly natural grassland, but also forests, wetlands and small rivers. These networks make up about one-third of the plantations, on average, and are well established in KwaZulu-Natal. 

It has been essential to demonstrate that the corridors are indeed functioning naturally. We have done this by comparing biodiversity levels in the conservation corridors with those in nature reserves nearby. 

As not all biodiversity can be sampled, we use mostly plants and insects as sentinels. The reason for this is that they are numerous, rich in species, show a wide range of lifestyles and are sensitive to habitat change. 

A bonus is that they also live in and on the soil, as well as being associated with plant communities. Many are also associated with freshwater — whether streams, rivers or wetlands. As they interact widely with many other species, they provide a comprehensive ecological picture. 

Importantly, the corridors must be as wide as possible to avoid any adverse effects from the adjacent plantation trees, mostly alien pines and eucalypts. This great width, which ideally should be more than 120m, means that all the natural interactions and processes can take place as they would naturally. But this does not mean that narrow corridors are without value, as many natural interactions can still take place in them and they promote the movement of insects and other organisms across the landscape.

It is essential that the corridors are well connected to each other in a network, including from one plantation to the next. Doing this leads to congruence among natural habitats over hundreds of kilometers, crisscrossing all types of terrain, elevations and ecosystem types. Crucially, it is the enormous amount of conserved landscape variation that enables organisms to find their most suitable habitat. This connectivity also gives the landscapes ecological resilience to withstand a changing climate and extreme weather events such as heavy rainfall or drought. 

All the while the natural water systems and soils in the corridors are maintained as intact as possible. This is done by not planting timber trees close to streams, rivers and wetlands. In turn, moist soil acts as a sponge for water and supports lush vegetation, which is kept free of plantation trees to help maintain the movement of natural ground water. 

Fire must also be considered, as it is a natural phenomenon in the area— preventing the grassland from developing into a bushy landscape and playing a vital role in the health of many plants. 

The edges between natural forest and grassland are also protected in the corridors, because these transition areas support many rare and important species. Game animals are also left to roam in this mosaic of vegetation as they help maintain grassland health. 

Some difficulties have arisen in these networks of conservation corridors. Invasive alien plants are an ongoing problem. While the woody aliens are controlled relatively easily, it is the American bramble that has been most troublesome. But recent research, using satellite technology and machine learning, has identified the weed’s invasion pathways, enabling swift and effective bramble removal. 

Local people are involved in the establishment of corridors, and they use the land as pastures for moderate levels of cattle and goat grazing. Poaching of large mammals is strictly controlled, resulting in healthy populations of elephants, rhinos, giraffes, zebras, wildebeest and many other large animals. This is important for insects as these large animals support a rich variety of dung beetles. 

In turn, firebreaks help stop wildfires from entering the plantation compartments. Also, timber tree harvesting is carried out sensitively to reduce disturbance to the soil. 

Plantations benefit from implementation of the corridors in that the soil and water systems, along with their biodiversity, are maintained in an ongoing healthy state. Mondi has embraced sustainable forestry. In doing so, the company attains Forest Stewardship Certification and exports products to Europe and elsewhere.

Michael J Samways is Emeritus Distinguished Professor in the Department of Conservation Ecology & Entomology at Stellenbosch University.

When a government spokesperson devotes an open letter to attacking a journalist by name, it often says more about the state’s discomfort with being questioned than it does about the journalist.

On 21 July 2025, department of international relations and cooperation spokesperson Chrispin Phiri published an open letter accusing me of promoting “clickbait”, “unsubstantiated hogwash” and undermining the integrity of South African media. His response was directed at a blog published in the Times of Israel on 11 July.

In that blog, I raised a set of concerns based on documents shared with me by a source, Justin Lewis. These included allegations that certain South African officials may have had foreknowledge of the 7 October Hamas attacks and played a role in enabling legal access to international courts on Hamas’s behalf. 

I never claimed that the allegations were confirmed, only that they deserve to be taken seriously and properly looked into. As a journalist, it is not my role to suppress serious allegations simply because they are unproven — it is my responsibility to bring them to light when they raise legitimate public interest concerns. In doing so, I make clear what is allegation and what is fact, and I seek responses from all relevant parties. That is how scrutiny, accountability, and responsible journalism work. Which is why two days later I published a follow-up explicitly stating that the material formed part of a lobbying and advocacy initiative — not a legal case — and that the source’s credibility had come under scrutiny.

Phiri’s letter acknowledged that clarification — only to dismiss it as “damage control”. Instead of presenting factual rebuttals, he delivered a lecture peppered with sarcasm and insults, calling my work reckless and unethical, and accusing me of misleading the public.

This exchange, at its core, comes down to a clear line of argument on both sides. My position is that journalists have a duty to raise serious allegations — especially when they involve governments, foreign policy or international law. Not because all allegations are true, but because the public deserves to know what questions are being asked, and what answers are being avoided.

Phiri’s position, on the other hand, is that because Justin Lewis has made exaggerated and questionable claims elsewhere, the allegations I raised should never have been aired. But journalism doesn’t work that way. Bad people can stumble onto important truths. Flawed sources can raise valid concerns. A journalist’s job is not to vouch for a source’s biography — it’s to follow a story where it leads, verify what can be verified, and disclose what can’t.

That’s what I did. Within 48 hours, I published a follow-up. I clarified the context not because the allegations were proven or disproven, but because responsible journalism requires transparency when new information comes to light. What Phiri offered in response was not a factual correction, but a character attack against both the source and me.

After two decades reporting from front lines in Gaza, Syria, Ukraine, Russia, Israel and beyond I’ve learned that truth in conflict is rarely clean. Sources sometimes collapse under scrutiny. When that happens, you take responsibility, correct, and move forward. That is exactly what I did.

What I did not do was present fiction as fact. I reported on allegations. I clarified their status. I acknowledged the problems. And I continued asking questions.

If the government believes those questions are baseless, it should present evidence to the contrary. It should clarify timelines, communications and diplomatic steps taken before and after 7 October. Instead, it has chosen to mock the person raising them.

The department’s refusal to engage with the core concern, South Africa’s foreign policy conduct and the credibility of its international alliances, is telling. Their silence on substance, and volume on character, only fuels public doubt.

And for the record: I do not claim South Africa collaborated with Hamas. I do not claim the allegations are proven. I do claim they are serious enough to merit scrutiny. That scrutiny should not be met with institutional outrage.

Phiri’s letter suggests that by platforming concerns, I violated the principles of journalism. But journalism is not built on silence. It’s built on inquiry. You follow leads. You evaluate sources. You clarify what cannot be confirmed. That’s what I did. That’s what I will continue to do.

South Africa’s case at the International Court of Justice is not what I was writing about. My focus was narrower: what was said, shared or supported before the events of 7 October? Were there missteps or blind spots in our diplomatic positioning? And if so, shouldn’t we want to know?

In his closing, Phiri quotes Nelson Mandela: “Our freedom is incomplete without the freedom of the Palestinians.” I would add this: our democracy is incomplete without the freedom to question our own government especially when the stakes involve war, ideology and lives.

I’ll continue to ask hard questions, report without fear, and correct when needed — not because it’s popular, but because journalism demands it. A free press doesn’t need permission to investigate —  and it certainly doesn’t answer to the government it is questioning.

Paula Slier is a South African-born war correspondent and journalist.

Lesotho is facing economic and public health crises triggered by cuts in foreign aid and harsh US trade tariffs. The small, landlocked kingdom is struggling with high unemployment and fresh job losses.

According to an African Development Bank (AfDB) Country Focus Report on Lesotho released last week, the country’s economic growth of 2.4% in 2024 is expected to fall to just 1.1% this year and 0.5% in 2026.

The report says the slowdown is driven by declining Southern African Customs Union revenues, a decrease in foreign aid, and rising trade-related risks (notably the new, prohibitively high US trade tariffs), and the cancellation of the $300-million Millennium Challenge Corporation second five-year compact.

Aid cuts have hit Lesotho’s health sector hard. The sudden termination of US aid programs has resulted in the loss of about 1,500 healthcare jobs, according to the report, and has severely undermined efforts in prevention, treatment, and outreach for HIV. Lesotho has one of the highest HIV prevalence rates globally, with over 20% of the adult population living with the virus.

What makes these cuts even more damaging is Lesotho’s already underfunded health system. The report says Lesotho now has only 21 health workers per 10,000 people, far below the World Health Organisation’s recommended minimum of 44.

At the same time, Lesotho’s key export sector — textiles and apparel — is under threat. The US has imposed a 50% tariff on Lesotho, temporarily reduced to 10% until 1 August. While this reduction offers some relief, AfDB warns that the long-term consequences could be severe.

Lesotho’s textile industry has long depended on duty-free access to US markets, which make up 47% of its shipments, valued at over $200-million annually, and account for nearly 13% of GDP. The AfDB warns that the tariffs could lead to a 20 to 30% decline in orders, a loss of over R1-billion in exports.

“This could push GDP growth below 1%, especially if factory closures or layoffs increase,” the report says. “Lesotho may face further declines in investment, factory relocations, and job losses in its already fragile manufacturing sector, which could reduce tax revenue.”

The AfDB warns of increased rates of poverty, which, together with inequality, are major issues in Lesotho.

Action needed

The report warns that without quick and coordinated policy actions, Lesotho could face a surge in social unrest and poverty.

The AfDB urges Lesotho to act swiftly. Economic diversification, investing in skills and infrastructure, and expanding regional trade, especially through the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), are essential.

Tax reform and debt management programmes, supported by AfDB, are already underway. But more action is urgently needed.

To keep the textile sector viable, the report recommends improving quality standards, logistics, and worker skills to meet changing global market demands. It also calls for accelerating regional trade efforts under AfCFTA and encouraging entrepreneurship in non-textile industries.

“Lesotho could reorient its production towards regional markets and gradually reduce its exposure to US policy shocks,” the report suggests.

This article was first published on GroundUp

Amid mounting criticism of United Nations peacekeeping missions and Western military involvement, many African governments have sought alternative security partners — private military companies, local militias and several regional partnerships such as the Alliance of Sahel States and Multinational Joint Task Force around the Lake Chad Basin. 

In the eyes of many scholars and practitioners, these partnerships challenge long-standing normative preferences for multilateral and regional institutions, namely the African Union and its regional economic communities. 

These institutions have long been lauded for their mandates to preserve the sovereignty of cooperating states and develop collective legitimacy in African governance. In practice, however, consensus-building has frequently led to slow deployment timelines and gross operational inefficiencies on the ground. 

While operational successes under multilateral institutions do exist, they are more often exceptions and are vastly outpaced by the decisive responses demanded by Africa’s security crises.

Against this backdrop, Rwanda’s recent forays into bilateral security agreements mark a significant departure from Africa’s status quo. 

Kigali’s deployments to the Central African Republic (CAR) in 2020 and Mozambique in 2021 challenge both conventional norms and institutional habits. The relative success of these deployments, especially in contrast with their multilateral equivalents, raises a fundamental question of African security cooperation. 

As more states pivot toward bilateral partnerships, is it time to recalibrate Africa’s security architecture? If so, what normative and legal frameworks must accompany this shift to prevent entrenching patterns of dependency and personalised security politics?

Once a recipient of international peacekeeping itself, Rwanda has since become a frequent contributor to peace and security operations in Africa. As a post-genocide state, it carries a unique moral authority on matters of civilian protection. Kigali has sought to amplify this influence through its vocal advocacy for the robust defence of endangered civilians, being one of three countries to co-sponsor a United Nations appeal, known as the Kigali Principles, in 2015. 

The country’s foreign policy took a more assertive turn in late 2020, when Kigali dispatched troops to the CAR to counter an insurgent offensive against the capital. 

Only a few months later, in mid-2021, Rwandan troops deployed to Mozambique’s Cabo Delgado province. Rwanda was engaged through a bilateral agreement and therefore free to operate outside any pre-existing multilateral mandates or rules of engagement.

From the onset, Rwandan troops were engaged in offensive operations to reclaim insurgent-held territory, including the port town of Mocímboa da Praia. Subsequent campaigns saw Rwandan forces push deeper into Ahlu Sunna Wa Jama (ASWJ) strongholds, including in an eight-day campaign along the Messalo River to capture a key base in Mbau and later joining the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Mission in Mozambique (SAMIM) for a coordinated assault in Macomia. 

Despite its emphasis on kinetic, offensive engagements, Rwanda also placed importance on developing a rapport with the local population. This involved taking on various community activities, including static engineering projects and the delivery of healthcare services in remote villages, as well as more dynamic security measures such as accompanying at-risk smallholders to provide protective overwatch while crops were being tilled. 

These efforts brought troops into close proximity with local populations, who became vital sources of real-time intelligence on insurgent movements. 

Very few, if any, African interventions have simultaneously managed to secure territorial gains, minimise civilian casualties and sustain their engagement with local populations.

In contrast to the operational successes attributed to Rwandan forces, the SAMIM struggled with fragmented command structures, logistical inertia and restrictive rules of engagement. In some instances, troops were confined to their forward operating bases, which severely undermined their effectiveness and all but ruled out any possibility of battlefield gains. 

In a move that clearly favoured its bilateral partnership with Rwanda, Mozambique did not establish a joint command structure to enable coordination or intelligence sharing among the various security partners.

Although the agreements themselves are known only to the countries’ top leadership, Rwanda’s commercial interests in the CAR and Mozambique hint at potential motives for its involvement. 

Crystal Ventures, the commercial wing of Rwanda’s ruling party, has rapidly expanded its operations in the CAR and Mozambique through its subsidiary companies in recent years. Vogueroc Mining, a firm reportedly backed by Crystal Ventures, received government approval in 2022 to explore mineral licences at five sites in the CAR. 

In Mozambique, a joint venture between Rwanda’s Isco Segurança and a local firm won a contract from TotalEnergies to secure $20  billion in LNG infrastructure. Another Crystal Ventures-linked company, Strofinare Mozambique, began exploring graphite deposits near Ancuabe in 2021, a region strategically close to Rwandan operational bases. 

This suggests a dual-track strategy that blends security assistance with economic diplomacy, both of which increase Rwanda’s leverage with the external financiers of its deployments. While the European Union and France foot most of the bill, Mozambique pays only a small amount directly to Kigali in exchange for its security services. 

The deficit, it seems, is made up with commercial concessions. Rwanda is not the only African state engaging in such dual-track diplomacy, but it is quickly becoming one of the most effective. 

While various explanations have been offered for Rwanda’s successes in the CAR and Mozambique, its interventions signify more than just operational efficiency. They coincide with a growing trend among African states to act through bilateral agreements, bypassing the AU and its regional blocs. 

This reflects a global shift from multilateralism to ad hoc, interest-driven solutions. 

These agreements have advantages but often lack the clear mandates or oversight mechanisms expected of multilateral agreements. Human rights abuses can go unchecked without such rules of engagement and legal accountability, perhaps even more than has happened under multilateral missions.

In Mozambique, the SAMIM forces were credibly accused of burning insurgent remains, although the subsequent investigation is still said to be ongoing. 

While multilateral oversight does not guarantee accountability, by sidelining regional frameworks altogether, it is unclear where the burden of oversight resides. This greatly weakens external scrutiny, particularly as missions overrun their original timelines or mandates. 

Missions exceeding initial timelines also risk dependency. Mozambique’s reliance on Rwandan troops has grown significantly since 2021, with little sign of a coherent exit strategy or meaningful local security capacity being developed in parallel. When foreign forces play such a central role in stabilisation missions, the host state may come to defer their governance responsibilities rather than develop them. 

Rwanda’s role of peacekeeper, counterinsurgent and stabiliser has blurred traditional categories of external intervention in an already neglected province of Mozambique. 

At the risk of entrenching a model prioritising stability over sustainability, it needs to be asked whether bilateral agreements are enough to deliver security gains or if local capacity building and governance reform should also be on the agenda. 

A reconfiguration of Africa’s security governance, where bilateral deployments and coalitions of the willing are increasingly being perceived as more capable and credible than multilateral interventions, suggests that other capable states may seek to emulate these results, especially when lucrative commercial opportunities form part of the agreement. 

Although Rwanda’s successes in Cabo Delgado have garnered a fair amount of attention, its model may not be easily replicable. Few African militaries possess the combination of professionalism, logistical capability and reputational capital that Kigali has cultivated to market itself as a security partner. 

Rwanda’s playbook may very well be an outlier and not a trendsetter, although the possibility of other states seeking out similar strategies cannot be ruled out. 

As more states consider bilateral partners, Africa could enter an era of hybrid security governance, where formal regional mechanisms coexist with bilateral agreements. These agreements will probably exist between states with capable militaries and receptive host states and carry not only the risk of fragmentation but also of entrenching personalised security politics and dependency. 

If hybrid security agreements are to become the new normal, Africa must urgently debate the norms, rules and red lines that will govern their use.

Erika van der Merwe is a research intern with the peace and security programme at Good Governance Africa. She is pursuing a master’s in international relations at the University of Cape Town, specialising in security studies.

Suspended Patriotic Alliance (PA) deputy president Kenny Kunene has resigned from his roles in the City of Johannesburg. His resignation follows his official suspension from the PA pending an investigation into his relationship with murder-accused Katiso “TK” Molefe, who was this week arrested for allegedly orchestrating Oupa Sefoka (DJ Sumbody’s) murder in 2022.

Kunene has agreed to “cooperate with an investigation” and will step aside from his political role in the Patriotic Alliance until he is cleared of the allegations. He will also not act and work in any official capacity in the party while on suspension, its leader Gayton McKenzie said in a statement.

Kunene tendered his resignation as Proportional Representation Councillor and transport MMC in the city of Johannesburg with immediate effect.

“I am stepping aside from public life, for a period, while my party satisfies itself to certain allegations that have been raised against me, which are unfounded, but I have nevertheless agreed it would be in the public interest for me to await the clearing of my name before considering a return to public service and duty,” Kunene said in a statement.

This week, Kunene told the Mail & Guardian that he had done nothing wrong when he was found at Molefe’s premises during his arrest on Monday. He also denied ever meeting Molefe or having any contact with him prior to his arrest.

Kunene, who also owns the online publication African News Global, said the purpose of his visit to Molefe’s property was to facilitate an exclusive interview on various topics for one of his journalists. He added that he only knew Molefe from a distance.

Molefe was arrested for allegedly orchestrating DJ Sumbody’s murder in 2022, and he was also on R100 000 bail for another murder case at the time of his arrest.

The Democratic Alliance, which has been critical of the Patriotic Alliance following these recent revelations, said it notes Kunene’s resignation, but demands investigations into the projects that Kunene was overseeing.

These include a full investigation into all contracts and procurement processes at the Johannesburg Roads Agency (JRA), a full investigation into the contractors and procurement of the Lilian Ngoyi street repairs and a full investigation into contracts, appointments and procurement processes at the Metropolitan Trading Company (MTC).

“Should the executive mayor fail to respond to the DA within seven days, the DA will use all avenues at our disposal, including approaching law enforcement with the information available to us, to hold the executive mayor as shareholder representative himself responsible for the alleged irregularities at JRA and MTC,” the party’s Johannesburg caucus leader Belinda Kayser-Echeozonjoku said in a statement.

This past Friday I walked for nearly 3km through the streets of Jabavu in Soweto from 8pm to 10pm on a winter night in July. That might sound crazy, but it was actually a lot of fun.

I was part of a group of 100 people and along the way we chanted and sang with Karabo Ya Morena, a youth choir from Soweto that were part of our parade. At the front of the crowd, leading us through the streets and keeping the energy up, was Nomsa Mazwai, the originator of Soweto Night Out. At every stop she would yell out “Funk it, I’m walking!” and the crowd would yell back “Let’s walk to freedom!” 

What were we thinking, you might ask? Well, partly it was a unique way to celebrate Nelson Mandela Day. But it was also a chance to meet American Grammy award-winning musician and respected emcee Rapsody, who was in the country working on her next album and who joined in on every step of the way.

For most of us, the journey started in Rosebank, where we boarded a bus courtesy of the organisers, which was really appreciated because it muted any worries about transport from Soweto back to town, especially after a long night out.

We arrived at Soweto Theatre where we gathered on the front steps and enjoyed a welcome performance by the youth choir while people clamoured to get their photo opportunities with our illustrious American guest — including yours truly, because there’s nothing wrong with pausing work mode to have a fan moment.

After that we started our walk, accompanied by members of the community policing forum, walking up and down the Jabavu streets with white banners with “Soweto Night Out Tours” written on them at the back and front of the procession.

“What we like to say about ourselves is that we are an alternative protest,” says Mazwai. “When you look at us in the street, we look like a protest, but we’re not. We’re a business. Everybody there is making money. We’re solving the unemployment crisis in South Africa. We’re solving the crime crisis in South Africa. It’s a drop in the ocean. We are not government.

“If we were the government, it would be far greater impact, but we are not. So we are doing what we can, where we can, in the ways that we can do it. And this is just one of the ways that we do it. 

“And we are a performance to the community of the possibilities of safety because we’ve shown communities that there is an economic value to safety and we’ve unlocked it for the communities that we work in.”

The origin of these walking tours, which Mazwai now hosts for paid groups of at least 20 people on request, stretches back for more than a decade, when she returned to South Africa after living abroad for years in places such as New York in the United States and Newcastle in the United Kingdom.

“I love walking, and I’ve lived in other parts of the world where I walked everywhere, any time of day, all the time,” says Mazwai. 

“And when I came back, I realised I was feeling down because I wasn’t getting to walk.”

So she said, “Fuck it, I’m walking!” 

Mazwai even wrote a Facebook post about how she wasn’t going to let anything stop her from walking around as she did when she lived abroad. It was a friend who encouraged her to make the slogan more child-friendly and so she started saying “Funk it, I’m walking!” instead.

At first it was an activist movement that would mobilise walks in support of various causes such as for water with the World Wide Fund for Nature. 

But when Mazwai left her job at the Soweto Theatre, where she had spent five years as the general manager, she decided to set her mind to building #FunkItImWalking into a business.

Mazwai put years of research into developing it into a sustainable social enterprise, drawing on her background in economics as a Fulbright alumna with an MA in international political economy and development from Fordham University in the US.

“It took a while but eventually we zeroed in on what our mission or intention was. And it’s that #FunkItImWalking aims to make it safe for a woman to walk at any time of day, in any condition. And how it does that is by thinking about sustainable businesses that enable women’s safety.

“Because I am an activist woman, I have been part of the marches and the seminars where we call the president to come and account. I’ve been part of all of those things and they’ve yielded zero results. The talking has yielded nothing. There’ll be a law that’s passed. Then they say they’re opening centres but the material condition on the ground has not changed.

“And I think for myself, I believe that’s because South Africa decided to be a neoliberal country and it decided to follow that economic policy. That economic policy puts capitalism at its centre. It sees capitalism as the answer. And capitalism puts money above all else. And so it became very clear to me that if I wanted to enjoy safety as a woman, it had to make economic sense,” says Mazwai.

After leaving Soweto Theatre, we first made our way to Kwa-Khaya Lendaba, the late great Credo Mutwa’s cultural village. Once we entered the compound it was so dark we had to use our phone lights to guide our steps. I asked my friend if we weren’t absolutely sure we weren’t being led to a mass sacrifice.

Fortunately, there were no sacrifices, and it turned out to be worth the journey. Once we got to the centre of the compound we sat around the bonfire and listened to Zamalek Giza, a rasta sage, tell us about the life of Credo Mutwa and the fables about creation and the universe.

After that we hit the road again, walking past the notorious Jabulani flats.

“The Jabulani flats are one of the most dangerous parts of Soweto,” says Mazwai. “I’m sure people have read about them a lot in the news. There’s always drama there, but there’s never drama when we do our night tours because our CPOs [community policing officers] are within the community and the community understands the value that we’re bringing into that community.

“Our night walks are incident free to this point. In addition to that, we also work with the Seth Mazibuko Foundation, which is a heritage and youth development-focused foundation. So where we are very focused on women’s safety, they are very focused on youth employment as well as heritage. And so working with Seth, we then started incorporating heritage sites into the routes. Now, because of the way communities have welcomed our work, the museums also came on board and they open at night.”

We made our way to the June 16 Memorial Acre, which opened after hours just for us.

And then finally we walked to Native Rebels, a restaurant and our last stop of the night. It was there where we sat down to watch the main attraction —Rapsody in conversation with the legendary activist Seth Mazibuko. 

While some may have initially thought Rapsody would be the one answering questions, it turned out she was interviewing Mazibuko. Their conversation touched on a variety of themes including activism, youth engagement, Pan-Africanism and the future of South Africa.

“I see Rapsody as a voice of the youth,” says Mazwai. “She has built a career that is very conscious, very grounded, and wholesome, and I love that. And so I believed that for Rapsody to level up, she really needs to hear from somebody who changed the trajectory of an entire nation.

“I feel like myself and Rapsody are soldiers on the same battlefield, fighting on the same side, you know, for the lives and the livelihoods of young black people and for black people and brown people all around the world.

“And so when I spoke to her, I said, ‘You know, Rapsody, a lot of young people don’t know Seth Mazibuko, and you don’t know Seth Mazibuko. And so I want you to ask questions that you would ask Seth Mazibuko. 

“‘I don’t want to tell you what to ask him, because what I want you to do is to ask him the questions that young people in South Africa are afraid to ask because they don’t want to look stupid.’ I wanted young people to watch their hero not know and be so willing to know and be so fearless in asking because Rapsody has that skill of not being afraid to ask. She wants to know.”

The night ended at about midnight, and I boarded the bus back to Rosebank feeling physically tired but spiritually uplifted and inspired. It was the kind of night that reminded me what’s possible when people come together with purpose, creativity and a little bit of courage. 

In a country where safety is too often a privilege, not a right, a night out reminded me that joy, community and economic opportunity can carve out new paths through even the most neglected corners of our cities. Walking through Soweto in the company of song, story and solidarity, I felt like we weren’t just remembering the past. We were actively imagining a better future. And for a few beautiful hours, it felt within reach.

Standard Bank has once again demonstrated its leadership as the best bank in South Africa and Africa after receiving 26 accolades across its continental footprint at the Euromoney Awards for Excellence 2025. At an awards ceremony hosted in London, Standard Bank was recognised for its excellence in corporate & investment banking, customer experience, SME banking and corporate responsibility in 14 markets.

Euromoney evaluates the world’s leading financial institutions through performance data and surveys, and has led a comprehensive awards programme for more than 30 years.

“Our purpose is clear: ‘Africa is our home, we drive her growth.’ As the continent’s leading financial institution, and with Africa poised to remain one of the world’s fastest-growing regions, we are uniquely positioned to capture the immense opportunities ahead while delivering strong returns for our shareholders and positive impact for our clients and the communities we serve,” says Sim Tshabalala, Chief Executive of Standard Bank Group.

Commenting on CIB’s exceptional performance that earned 18 Euromoney awards, Luvuyo Masinda, Chief Executive of Corporate and Investment Banking at Standard Bank said: “Our deep sector expertise, particularly in energy and infrastructure combined with strong client relationships where we offer strategic insight, capital solutions, or trusted advice, has positioned us to lead in landmark transactions. By aligning our lending and global markets capabilities, we were able to deliver market financing solutions tailored to our clients’ needs.

“We aim to sustain and grow this performance by focusing on high growth sectors such as energy, infrastructure, mining and technology media & telecommunications (TMT).  We are investing in data and analytics to identify origination opportunities and bring solutions faster to our clients. We are also focused on deepening our competitive advantage in structured capital, expanding our equity capital markets (ECM) and debt capital markets (DCM) solutions beyond South Africa, and investing in the next generation of investment bankers,” Masinda added.

Full list of awards presented to Standard Bank by Euromoney:

Standard Bank             Africa’s Best Bank

Standard Bank             Africa’s Best Bank for Large Corporates

Standard Bank             Africa’s Best Investment Bank

Standard Bank             Africa’s Best Investment Bank for ECM

Standard Bank             Angola’s Best Investment Bank

Stanbic Bank                Botswana’s Best Investment Bank

Stanbic Bank                Ghana’s Best Investment Bank

Stanbic Bank                Kenya’s Best Investment Bank

Standard Bank             Malawi’s Best Bank

Standard Bank             Malawi’s Best Investment Bank

Standard Bank             Mauritius’s Best Bank for Large Corporates

Standard Bank             Mauritius’s Best Investment Bank

Standard Bank             Mozambique’s Best Investment Bank

Standard Bank             Namibia’s Best Investment Bank

Stanbic IBTC Bank        Nigeria’s Best Bank for Securities Services

Stanbic IBTC Bank        Nigeria’s Best Bank for SMEs

Standard Bank             South Africa’s Best Bank

Standard Bank             South Africa’s Best Bank for Large Corporates

Standard Bank             South Africa’s Best Investment Bank

Stanbic Bank                Tanzania’s Best Bank for Customer Experience

Stanbic Bank                Tanzania’s Best Investment Bank

Stanbic Bank                Uganda’s Best Bank

Stanbic Bank                Uganda’s Best Investment Bank

Stanbic Bank                Zambia’s Best Bank for Corporate Responsibility

Stanbic Bank                Zambia’s Best Bank for Customer Experience

Stanbic Bank                Zambia’s Best Investment Bank

The government’s flagship economic reform programme, Operation Vulindlela, has registered modest progress in the second phase of its roll-out — particularly in visa reform — but faces mounting criticism for delays in key infrastructure areas and a lack of transparency in outcomes and expenditure.

The latest progress report notes that more than 11 000 visas were processed in the first three months under the Trusted Tour Operator Scheme, launched in February. In March, the government accredited qualifying employers under the Trusted Employer Scheme to support the recruitment of foreign skilled workers.

These visa reforms aim to “attract skills, investment and tourism through a streamlined and modernised visa system”. The home affairs department has also upgraded its digital verification system to enable remote authentication and reduce downtime — a step toward building a digital identity system.

Yet the gains made in visa systems are in contrast to widespread delays in fixing constraints in water and sanitation, electricity and freight logistics. Most work so far has been legislative, with little tangible implementation.

Operation Vulindlela, initiated during President Cyril Ramaphosa’s first term, aims to boost economic growth through structural reform. Ramaphosa has touted the operation as a key achievement, and in his latest newsletter called the halting of load-shedding a crucial win in the battle “to remove the binding constraints that have long held back our economy’s growth”.

“The reduction in load-shedding over the past year was supported by the reforms we introduced to unlock private investment in electricity generation, while reforms in the telecommunications sector have brought down the cost of mobile data,” he wrote.

Launched in May after cabinet approval, phase two expands the reform scope to seven areas: electricity, freight logistics, water, visas, local government, spatial inequality and digital transformation.

But despite policy work being under way in several areas — with the Electricity Regulation Amendment Bill, the Water Action Plan, the Digital Transformation Roadmap and the Local Government White Paper among the documents drafted — implementation remains limited. The progress report itself concedes that of the seven priority areas in phase two, only visa reform has moved into tangible outcomes.

The electricity sector reform includes the establishment of the National Transmission Company of SA, which will eventually separate power utility Eskom’s grid from generation and distribution. The government has also finalised a national wheeling framework to enable third-party access to the grid.

Yet, the new transmission company still awaits licensing as a market operator. The National Energy Regulator of SA is also finalising market codes for private wholesale.

Legal adviser and social activist Nkanyiso Ngqulunga was scathing in his assessment, saying Operation Vulindlela represents an acceleration of neoliberal policies that are proving counterproductive.

“It has been a complete failure. The unbundling of Eskom has not yielded any positive results but rather put the country’s energy generation into the private sector,” Ngqulunga said, adding that the reforms have not attracted the promised investment.

“It hasn’t attracted investment as intended. We are implementing policies that have been proven to fail — allowing the private sector in with the hope that it will boost the economy is counterintuitive.”

Ngqulunga believes the government should focus on building state capacity and investing in public infrastructure.

“We need to unlock opportunities by empowering public assets,” he said. “At a time when the government is underperforming, geopolitical tensions are high and tariff wars are growing, it’s misguided to think these reforms will attract investment.”

In logistics, a new Transnet Rail Infrastructure Manager division has been created to modernise operations and enable private operator access. In December, the rail, port and pipeline parastatal released network access tariffs and received 98 slot applications from private freight operators. Conditional awards will be announced by 15 August.

Ntokozo Buthelezi, an economist and researcher, is concerned about the Vulindlela initiative’s accountability. 

“I remember from the budget speech, the minister mentioned phase two and I wondered what happened to phase one,” she said, adding that she found it to be “vague” with regard to outcomes and money spent. “We don’t know what happened, how much was spent and what the outcomes were. There is so much secrecy — we have no clue as the public on how investment and loans are spent by the government,” she said, also criticising the absence of oversight.

“They don’t tell us much. It’s just numbers — billions here, billions there — but no tangible outcomes.”

As Southern Africa works toward the World Health Organization’s goal of eliminating malaria by 2030, the region continues to face major challenges, including cross-border transmission, limited resources, and insecticide resistance. However, amid these difficulties, a significant milestone will be celebrated this month: the 10th annual Southern Africa Malaria Research Conference.

The event, hosted by the South African Medical Research Council’s (SAMRC) Malaria Research Group (MRG), will take place from July 29 to 31 at the University of Pretoria’s Future Africa Campus. It will bring together scientists, health professionals, policymakers, and regional partners to share insights, showcase progress, and refine strategies to eliminate the disease.

The theme for this year’s conference is “Shaping the agenda to meet the malaria elimination end goal”. This agenda highlights the region’s commitment to aligning research and policy to combat malaria more effectively.

For a decade, the MRG has played a pivotal role in South Africa’s malaria elimination efforts. It is the only organisation to have hosted a dedicated malaria conference annually for ten consecutive years, a testament to its leadership and unwavering commitment to ending malaria in the region. Through its work, the group continues to support the National Department of Health by improving existing interventions, conducting advanced research, and training a new generation of malaria-focused scientists.

Among its notable efforts is its support for the Lubombo Spatial Development Initiative. This project monitors cross-border malaria and insecticide resistance in Limpopo, Mpumalanga, and KwaZulu-Natal. Findings from the initiative have informed national vector control policy and confirmed that local mosquitoes remain susceptible to current insecticides.

The MRG has also been instrumental in cross-border initiatives. In collaboration with the National Treasury, it supported indoor residual spraying in southern Mozambique to reduce the importation of malaria into KwaZulu-Natal. Border screenings and interventions led to a marked decline in imported cases, a clear indication of the power of regional cooperation.

The upcoming conference is expected to provide a platform for the latest developments in parasite biology, surveillance technologies, and vector control. It will also spotlight innovative tools for malaria elimination and successful case studies of cross-border collaboration. As the region intensifies its push toward a malaria-free future, the SAMRC Malaria Research Group’s decade-long dedication continues to inspire a unified, evidence-driven approach to tackling one of the region’s most persistent public health threats.